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ICC. Their investigation also addresses alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity by Taliban forces. Sanctioning ICC lawyers is also contrary to our longstanding national commitment to human rights, the rule of law, and accountability for those who commit atrocities. To stand against atrocities, while simultaneously opposing investigations of those who allegedly commit them, strains credibility. If the U.S. wishes to avoid ICC jurisdiction over Americans, our government can invoke its right to investigate alleged war crimes itself. Under the ICC Statute, that would bar ICC jurisdiction. This option remains...

Not surprisingly, I strongly disagree with Julian’s insistence that “the ICC really is now the obstacle to peace” in Uganda. To begin with, we need to give the ICC credit where credit is due: as Mark Leon Goldberg pointed out earlier today at the invaluable UN Dispatch, “[i]t was not until the ICC began its investigation and issued indictments that the LRA began to seek a peace agreement with the Ugandan government in good faith; the ICC indictments provided the critical leverage to get the peace process going.” I think...

to the ICC System and effectively embrace an almost universal jurisdiction. Despite being sensitive to the victim’s cry for accountability, this was not what the ICC System was designed for. By not becoming a State Party, Turkey remains, however unsatisfactory this might seem to the victims, in some way, out of the ICC’s reach. The ICC treaty-based nature means it is in principle limited to adjudicate matters in relation to state parties. This harsh reality necessarily implies that some grave injustices and international crimes cannot be tried before the ICC....

example here and here). Moreover, the CSO Africa Legal Aid held a first retreat of 28 African ICC states parties in October 2024 to discuss a “crime of aggression regime that is both fair and legitimate”. A follow-up retreat took place in May 2025 “to solidify Africa’s stance on a crime of aggression regime devoid of inequity and double standards”. During the Assembly of States Parties both in 2023 and 2024, states affirmed their intention to undertake the review upcoming in July by consensus (ICC-ASP/22/Res.3(157); ICC-ASP/23/Res.1(161)). Since then, the ICC’s...

to the issue of complementarity between international and domestic reparation processes, finding that other reparation efforts are outside the scope of ICC proceedings (para. 52). As advocated by REDRESS and other organisations, positive complementarity to actively consider how ICC reparation orders could potentially be replicated or complemented by national efforts would foster a harmonious co-existence of the different existing processes. While the Chamber did not adopt a principle on positive complementarity, it at least recognised that ICC orders are not isolated from the broader context of reparation for victims of...

pursuing an investigation. [7] The ICC’s judges select the President of the Court, not the Court’s member states. [8] Not all NATO states have joined the ICC. (Turkey has not.) [9] The ICC could not sue the US at the ICJ to force it to disclose records. The ICC is not a state and the US does not accept the ICJ’s compulsory jurisdiction. [10] There is no legal reason why the ICC could not use documents the US produced in (ostensible) violation of the American Service-Members Protection Act (ASPA). [11]...

thereby increase ICC jurisdiction under article 15bis, which, in turn, could also increase deterrence. The author stresses the importance of deterrence because activation of the 4th crime is not designed to generate ICC cases; in a perfect world, there will be no ICC crime of aggression cases to prosecute because deterrence has worked. Thus, while the decades of drafting work and negotiations are now finished, there is much remaining work to be accomplished regarding the ICC’s 4th crime. The path forward—resuming the long-dormant legacy of the Nuremberg Tribunal—is just beginning....

...the technological boundaries even further where Artificial Intelligence in the area of weapons systems become a practicable reality. Kai Ambos, in his Treatise on International Criminal Law, specified that the Rome Statute [hereinafter, ‘ICCSt.’]  does not make a reference to general omission liability because a consensus could not be reached by delegates during the deliberations over content of the ICCSt. Therefore, omission liability in the ICCSt. stays restricted to Art. 28 and some genuine crimes of omission (eg. starvation under Art. 8(2)(b)(xxv), ICCSt.). As a result, only in specific cases,...

...by subordinates employing AI-driven targeting technologies. A Key Opportunity for the ICC to Engage with AI in warfare Although it remains speculative until charges are made public and (potentially) further attacks are charged, the arrests warrant for Netanyahu and Gallant could provide an opportunity for the ICC to engage with modern warfare. Whether and how the ICC will choose to grapple technological features of AI targeting systems is an open question. Will they engage with relevant technological aspects? How will the ICC acquire the necessary expertise to understand these? This...

ICC hearing within proximity to the victims or arguably in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Surprisingly, the prospect of prosecution of these crimes before the Bangladeshi judicial forums failed to attract any serious attention to the date. According to the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber’s authorisation decision, the ICC is exercising its territorial jurisdiction over this situation only due to the fact that a part of conduct was arguably committed on the territory of Bangladesh, a State Party to the Rome Statute. As the ICC is mobilizing with its mandate of investigation and prosecution...

Observers have watched with keen interest as Mahmoud Abbas took the politically risky, some say courageous, move to seek UN recognition of Palestine as a state. At the very center of Abbas’ polarizing decision is the International Criminal Court and the possibility of opening an investigation into alleged crimes in Palestine. To think that the ICC would be so integral a player in the challenge of peace in the Middle East would have been unimaginable just a few short years ago. Just as remarkable is the demonstrated centrality of statehood...

near silence from the ICC, rumors shot through Ugandan villages and refugee camps. Some expected the ICC to mount a military campaign with its own forces. Others worried that the court would take action against thousands of youths who had been forced to take part in atrocities, according to ICC investigators and Ugandan observers. The court’s secretive operations cost it support, says Claudia Perdomo, a Colombian who heads the ICC public-information office. “What we have heard from Ugandans is: ‘We need you to explain what the court is about. You...