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of the Palestinian suffering. Most importantly, such statements failed to condemn Israel’s abuses in EJ and GS; let alone, to recognise or mention Israel’s apartheid, that elephant in the room! The ICC Prosecutor’s Reluctance Regarding the Situation in Palestine: In its request to the Pre-Trial Chamber (PTC) on the territorial jurisdiction in Palestine, the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) noted that “[t]here is a reasonable basis to believe that war crimes have been or are being committed in [OPT]” and that it has already “identified potential cases arising from the...

[ Luigi Daniele is Lecturer in Law at Nottingham Trent University, where he leads the undergraduate and postgraduate modules in International Humanitarian Law.] For more than a decade international lawyers have been debating Israel’s claim against the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) over the situation in Palestine, notoriously based on the argument that no Palestine State exists since ‘the Palestinian Authority lacks effective control over the territory concerned’. The Office of the Prosecutor (OTP), in its recent request pursuant to article 19(3) (‘request’), argues, in line with the...

of international law. Rather than follow the political question – that of whether Palestine is an actual state on a par with states such as Switzerland or Syria – Al-Haq has rooted its consideration of the matter strictly in international law. Al-Haq’s paper considers whether the PA exercises jurisdiction over the crimes set forth in the Rome Statute of the ICC, and whether the meaning of ‘state’ for the purposes of the Rome Statute can properly be interpreted to include an entity such as Palestine. Davenport’s paper stresses that the...

kicks off the symposium by situating his research within evolving debates about the ICC’s performance over the last fifteen years. In his post, Owiso Owiso assesses Clark’s handling of the political implications of the ICC’s investigations in Africa. In questioning whether Distant Justice has overstated the ICC’s role in regulating the behavior of state actors, Owiso calls for greater humility in how observers evaluate the ICC’s performance. Kamari Maxine Clarke then queries whether Distant Justice prematurely dismisses the relevance of neo-colonialism as an analytical framework. Drawing out several unexplored themes,...

the ICC indicted Putin, the USG did not object to the ICC’s jurisdiction over a non-state party as it had done in the Darfur situation. The USG hasn’t been vocal about their ability to cooperate with the ICC becauseit is not a party. Instead, President Joe Biden said Vladimir Putin had committed war crimes in Ukraine, and the lCC’s issue of an arrest warrant for the Russian President was justified. The Russian Federation, part of the UNSC, dismissed the warrants. The Kremlin said the Court’s charges against Putin were outrageous...

...transitional justice scenarios. 2. Is a change of methodology desirable? Given the existing status quo, it is questionable whether there is a need to introduce a new ‘heuristic’. (i) Relevance of a ‘sentencing heuristic’ Due to the large number of crimes committed under ICC jurisdiction, conflicts over the prioritization of ‘ordinary’ v. ‘international crime’ prosecution are a relatively rare exception. In many existing ICC situations, states have entrusted the Court with the mandate to investigate and prosecute. In these circumstances, it would be largely unfeasible to force the ICC to...

...argument to be that there is demand for an ICC intervention and however flawed the mechanism, “providing victims… with a platform; bringing perpetrators … to account; and providing reparations for victims” also counts as “justice.” Admittedly. But even on that front, the ICC doesn’t have much to show for. I’m grateful for Nestor Nkurunziza’s remark that my arguments depart from much of the scholarship regarding the ICC in Africa in that the book “emphasizes the prominent role/agency of those African states that have engaged with the ICC.”  The ways in...

...conducted in detention centers in Afghanistan from 1 May 2003. A swift response from the United States Department of State dismissed the ICC Prosecutor’s actions as “attacking America’s rule of law”. The U.S. government subsequently launched a series of visa- restriction measures against the ICC staff which intended to protect U.S. sovereignty and insulate its citizens from “unjust investigation and prosecution by the international court.” But, why all this fear and trembling? Is not the United States’ diplomatic community widely misunderstanding and misrepresenting ICC’s powers, its legal mandate, and obligations...

turnover of ICC leadership and the IER Report’s detailed analysis and recommendations, a new era of courageous and empathetic management can be upon us. By challenging systemic indifference and boldly addressing the lack of effective mechanisms within the ICC and ASP, officials can become equipped to assess the high moral character of candidates running for top positions, as well as provide a safer workplace at the ICC for all. Key to this advancement will be compassionate leadership. ‘High Moral Character’ — The #Metoo Rallying Cry for the ICC Prosecutor Election...

[Rashmi Dharia is a doctoral candidate at Sciences Po Law School, Paris.] As of 2nd April 2021, the Biden administration rescinded the sanctions that had been imposed by Executive Order 13928 of 11th June 2020 and its follow-up on 2nd September 2020 on ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda and the Head of the Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Co-operation Division Mr Phakiso Mochochoko. The US-ICC relationship looks all set to ‘go back’ from manifest and active hostility to garden variety tropes of ‘constructive engagement’ –  a story that, despite its baggage, can be...

17 may be a foregone conclusion: if Sudan's court system was 'willing and able' to prosecute, it would be very difficult to see where the 'threat to the peace' (Article 39 of the UN Charter) could be. Accordingly, the action by the Security practically certifies that the ICC is competent under Article 17. Nicki also considers whether the Security Council has even given the ICC exclsive jurisdiction, turning it into some kind of ICTY/ICTR pro tempore. He finds little support for this. I hope I have fairly described his views,...

or less correct. I would add that the utter lack of enthusiasm in the Obama Administration for joining the ICC has made the right feel much better as well. Even the most influential US NGOs have toned down their ICC campaigns. I will also say that (as Ken notes in the article), Israel is a red line for the American right and the ICC will be back in the penalty box if the ICC opens an investigation into Palestine. And that is not exactly out of the realm of possibility....