Search: extraterritorial sanctions

...if states A and B had a treaty on free trade, and the UNSC then imposed trade sanctions on B, A would no longer have a treaty obligation to allow trade with B because the resolution would prevail over the treaty, but that obligation would revive as soon as the UNSC removed the sanctions. So, in short, what needs to happen here is for the UNSC to bless the temporary deal; once that is done the agreement can be implemented. Kevin Jon Heller Hi Marko, Martin Holtermann said the same...

...sold parts of a chemical or biological weapon to a state-financed terrorist group such as al-Qaeda. The principle, however, is exactly the same. The principle isn't the same, in that the federal government made it illegal to do business with Al Qaeda, but not with the South African government at the time. As for what we "really want," do we "really want" 12 random jurors, rather than Congress, to decide whether to impose sanctions on a foreign government? Because the upshot of this decision is that a federal jury would...

...that -- I haven't studied the history closely). I'm not aware of an example where the Clinton Administration took that view, although, again, I'm hardly familiar with every case where it might have come up. To clarify: Of course it is the case (and the Clinton Administration said so) that certain treaties do not establish binding rules of conduct (e.g., criminal sanctions) for private parties without further statutory or regulatory action. But the question in this case is whether the treaty imposes an obligation on the Executive branch itself (and,...

...again leaves international law at the mercy of powerful states. Why is it that the US, the EU, and Japan have been able to refuse to lift subsidies to their domestic industries in clear violation of WTO law? Because the aggrieved states are not powerful enough to impose retaliatory sanctions that would damage the violators sufficiently and make them change their ways. The US and EU are content to offer each other side payments so as to carry on with their patterns of subsidies, but when Cambodia or Mali wants...

...the country on the other side to issue sanctions against the US or declare war on it. That's what "violation of international law" means. It shouldn't stop anyone from doing the right thing. For example, the US should repudiate the various Drug War treaties which purport to demand that various drugs be made illegal. This would theoretically be a "violation of international law" and would theoretically be grounds for all the other countries in the treaty agreements to implement sanctions or declare war on the US, *but they wouldn't do...

...right-wing (and left-wing) academics, in and out of Israel, whose opinions I would think repulsive. Academic freedom means that my opinion on the matter can't be a basis of sanctions. This is why I firmly stated that Prof. Salaita's "unhiring" was an academic freedom breach (even though I do find his expressed -- not "silent" -- views repulsive); and it applies equally here. Kevin Jon Heller David, Thanks for your comment. I think perhaps my rhetoric got the better of me -- having thought about it, "vast majority" was a...

...I will await his reply. Peter Orlowicz So what precisely does the Convention mean by torture, if it doesn't include pain and suffering arising only from lawful sanctions? There's something circular about saying that the Convention doesn't apply to lawful sanctions, then determining particular treatment is an unlawful sanction solely by reference to the Convention. (Edit: Beaten to it by Mr. Lewis.) Michael W. Lewis Milan, You raise a good question that requires a much longer answer than a comment can provide. If you are interested in taking this up...

...with sanctions in pre-war Iraq: the elites did not suffer, but the bulk of the population surely did). Cesare Romano Economies do play a role in meeeting the basic needs of peoples, and there would be a very real dimunition in human rights when people are poor and destitute. But human rights abuse is never a matter of economics, only of political decisions by governments. People in Iraq weren't suffering becase the sanctions tightened the Iraqi economy. They were suffering because of Saddam. Again, first get your HR straight, then...

...part of its obligations under UN Charter Article 56, point to the UN's own obligation to "promote...respect for...human rights," and then argue that these obligations take precedence over the US's own obligations under the UN Headquarters Agreement. That's the winning argument, right? Wow. Jordan The U.S. permits some civil sanctions against human rights violators in its courts and there is no S/L in customary international law. I see no reason why a visa denial could not be a proper sanction response even if other sanctions might be more onerous. Tyler...

...documents and the court granted the juvenile’s application for subpoenas duces tecum. But the Navajo nation refused to provide the documents. Why? Navajo lawyers argued that the subpoena would be ignored because “the Navajo Nation is a separate sovereign nation, and as a matter of public policy, foreign subpoenas issued from neighboring sovereigns are not honored.” Instead of complying with this foreign order the juvenile should follow a “routine procedure for domestication of extra-territorial subpoenas through the Navajo Nation courts.” The court granted a second motion to compel, but the...

...is the most obvious: pursuing criminal prosecutions or civil tort suits against contractors who commit abuses. With regard to criminal prosecution, our current system of enforcement is seriously flawed in a number of respects. To begin with, there are gaps in the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act (MEJA), the primary law that gives U.S. courts the power to try contractors when they are accused of committing serious abuses. That statute does not clearly govern contractors who work for agencies other than the Defense Department, such as the State Department contractors involved...

...which it is not really dead-on, however, though sometimes referenced in relation to it. Reid is the question of the extraterritorial application of the US Constitution, and whether a civilian US citizen lawfully present on a US military base in time of peace, with a SOFA in operation (ie, 1950s Germany), is entitled to a regular US civilian trial with all Constitutional protections in a capital murder case rather than trial in military court under the UCMJ – answer, yes. But, if that’s Reid, what about a US citizen who...