Search: battlefield robots

Diplomatic Gunboat Section 501 expressly includes the Constitution's habeas clause (Article I, Section 9, Clause 2) and the first nine amendments. One can almost hear an infamous Berkeley law professor say "We looked at that. It's too bad about Section 501 because CNMI would have been closer to the battlefield and further from CONUS. But CNMI is in the 9th Circuit--it would have been a close call." Benjamin Davis This goes back to analyses in the Insular Cases about unincorporated territories and how far the US constitution operates in them....

...international law when protecting human/civil rights, but the U.S. legal system is largely consistent with international human rights standards. The more difficult question is the ownership one. I agree with you that some human rights actors reject outright any system of administrative detention. One goal of my article is to try to persuade them to move beyond their (in my view, ill-founded) position that human rights law requires states to try or release non-battlefield suspects. I suspect that I will not always succeed. Even if some human rights actors continue...

...Further, Congress and the Executive have demonstrated they are too fearful of being seen as soft on terrorism to do anything but create separate and unequal third class processes (separate and unequal third class processes as compared to courts or court-martial procedures in settings where the exigencies (battlefield, occupation space, or no courts open) do not make necessary the traditional role of military commissions). Some people think that separate and unequal third class processes are OK for foreigners (the citizen/non-citizen distinction in the United States is particularly pronounced as I...

...bullying and intellectual terror to deter or smear BDS activists and leaders everywhere. So far, they have miserably failed, however, as they themselves sometimes admit. Given its morally consistent, non-violent, human rights based agenda that upholds the rule of international law, full equality for all humans and a categorical rejection of all forms of racism, including anti-Semitism, the global BDS movement has dragged Israel into a "battlefield," where we maintain decisive ethical superiority and neutralize Israel's daunting arsenal of weapons, including nuclear weapons. Having lost the battle for hearts and...

...away from the battlefield. The NewStream Dream Two completely different administrations, both with access to a significantly greater amount of information, disagree with you. BTW, what is the empirical basis for your claim that we are less safe because of Bush's policies. Last time I checked, there were no attacks on US soil post 9/11 Greg Fox Kevin - While all this is quite disturbing, my (perhaps overly optimistic) take on Obama's detainee policy is that he has decided to resist any final rulings from the courts until his policy...

...in Iraq. Since they have nothing better to do in their bases, they play these shooters all day long. I don't say that it greatly influences their sense of humanity, but it must have some adverse effect. C. L. Kurlander One could also make the argument that increased realism in games related to war, and the artificial horrors to which they expose the player, are beneficial in that they force players to confront moral decisions and tragic circumstances that actually do occur on the battlefield. Whereas earlier games had the...

...not unusual for adult soldiers to engage child soldiers on the battlefield (indeed this is largely what makes child soldiering so abhorrent). However, the constant practice is that adult soldiers do engage children in these circumstances. One final point, I am not convinced that "the general trend within international law [is] towards protecting child soldiers". There is an undeniable focus on child soldiering within international law, however, much of the debate is actually focused on accountability, and agency. It is certainly worth mentioning in this regard, that it seems to...

...the question of whether Padilla could or could not be detained would be found in ex parte Quirin and the cases and common law it cites, plus the general rules of capture of a soldier who in Afghanistan was present on the battlefield armed against US forces, but who escaped and was then captured much later and far away. None of the logic supporting Padilla's detention derives from the AUMF itself, just as none of the reasoning in Quirin derives from the text of the Declaration of War in 1941,...