Search: Symposium on the Functional Approach to the Law of Occupation

Opinions here, with an eight-Justice majority for the result, with the case kicked back downstairs for resolution on the merits. In the long run, this could prove a watershed decision. The Court rejects the “textual commitment” and “no manageable standards” bases for applying the political question doctrine. Neither has ever made a lot of sense to me on their own terms, and they’ll be tricky to trot out in the future. They were window-dressing for the functional imperatives of judicial nonparticipation in the high-stakes dramas of foreign relations. (Justice Breyer...

feature conflicts involving state law, such as competing claims for authority between two or more states (should the IP law of states A or B should govern the registration of internet domain names); between domestic and international institutions (such as the ICJ and US Supreme Court decisions in the Avena/Medellin line of cases); and between public and private actors (such as when religious and state law diverge on family law matters). Perhaps as a result, GLP devotes very limited attention to analysis of “conflicts” between and among different functional international...

...they reviewed the basis of the prisoners’ detention on the merits.” The Boumediene majority correctly notes that whether the key cases’ holdings “were jurisdictional or based upon the courts’ ruling that the petitioners were detained unlawfully as prisoners of war is unclear” (slip op. 17). Rather than attempt to answer a momentous question of U.S. constitutional law based on an ambiguous and incomplete historical record, the Court today quite properly turns to other sources of constitutional meaning, namely text, structure, the Court’s precedent and functional, consequential and prudential considerations. Well...

...enacted (with wide majorities in both houses of Congress) in October 2002, over five months prior to the invasion of Iraq. So what is he talking about? What exactly would have been the functional difference between what Congress did and a formal declaration of war? Now there are lots of good reasons to oppose the Iraq War, but its unconstitutionality is not one of them. And it would behoove both sides in this debate to focus on the policy merits of the war rather than on largely irrelevant legal issues....

International organizations are generally considered to require jurisdictional immunity to perform their functions effectively. The legal basis for this can be found in treaty law, such as Article 105 of the UN Charter, in customary international law, and in the 1946 and 1947 conventions on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations and specialised agencies, as well as in various headquarters agreements.  As a result, disputes involving international organizations are generally excluded from the jurisdiction of national courts. The ECtHR first outlined the “reasonable alternative means” test in 1999...

[Dr Anastasios Gourgourinis is Lecturer in Public International Law at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Faculty of Law, and Research Fellow at the Academy of Athens] I am very grateful to Anne van Aaken for her challenging and insightful comments on my chapter “Reviewing the administration of domestic regulation in WTO and investment law: the international minimum standard as ‘one standard to rule them all’?”, as well as for providing me the opportunity to further expand and explain my argument. She essentially poses two questions: whether the simultaneous...

[ Masoud Zamani  is a lecturer in International Law and International Relations at the University of British Columbia, Canada.  Amir Abbas Kiani  is a collaborating researcher in International Law at Shiraz University, Iran.] The recurring exchange of lethal force and military operations between Iran and Israel gives rise to several urgent and complex legal questions within the framework of jus ad bellum. A particularly intriguing feature of these confrontations is their episodic nature, prompting debate over whether they are better understood as anticipatory self-defense or unlawful reprisals. On the one...

of the organization are the key concept that can turn an independent state into an organ. Indeed, the core of the controversy concerns the nature of the arrest warrant as a rule of an international organization. If the arrest warrant is international law, the ICC is a functional entity of which member states are independent sovereign entities. They remain responsible for the action taken while implementing ICC law. Conversely, if the arrest warrant is internal law, the ICC is a supra-national, constitutional, entity under which member states appear as organs....

unilaterally introduced forces into the Persian Gulf consistent with the Resolution, but neither would have passed constitutional muster). On the other hand, it can’t constrain Presidents to terminate military operations without affirmative congressional action, as the 60-day clock would require. From a functional perspective, the default termination provision leaves important military decisionmaking intolerably hostage to the probabilities of congressional inaction (Kosovo as exhibit A). That’s getting lost in the debate over the meaning of “hostilities”. Even if the Libya operation does qualify as such for purposes of the law, it...

[Zoran Oklopcic is an Associate Professor of International Law at Carleton University in Canada. He focuses on self-determination, popular sovereignty in theory of constitutional law and on the theories of secession and territorial rights] I am grateful to Professor Brad Roth for engaging with my article, “Beyond Empty, Conservative, and Ethereal: Pluralist Self-Determination and a Peripheral Political Imaginary”. In his response, Roth embraces my understanding of his account of self-determination as “emptied” of normative content, and, in fact, insists on rejecting projects that would seek to give it a more...

...assigned to the IDF’s Southern Command (the headquarters responsible for prosecuting the war in Gaza) appears to be close-held information but Mimran claims that a maximum of 50 lawyers on a rotating watch is a “close” estimate of current force composition.  If we assume that in the war’s first week 1.) some of these lawyers were not already mobilized; 2.) some were otherwise occupied with non-targeting duties; and 3.) the remainder were split between, say, 12-hour shifts, this leaves a (generous) estimate of perhaps 10 lawyers on-station doing targeting determinations...

– and hence validating – existing Swiss case law in this regard (the Kosiah case first paved the modern Swiss case law: first instance judgment SK.2019.17 of 18 June 2021 and appeal decision CA.2022.8 of 30 May 2023; currently pending before the Swiss Federal Court), the FCC recalled that despite the absence of a written provision in Swiss law in the year 2000 (the moment of the first crimes which Ousman Sonko was accused of), crimes against humanity were already defined and punished by international customary law and that there was already a...