Search: Symposium on the Functional Approach to the Law of Occupation

...31 October 2011 the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (‘UNESCO’), whose membership is limited to States, voted to admit Palestine to full membership of the organization. This wasn’t just any admission, as it facilitated Palestine becoming a party to multilateral treaties as per the so-called “Vienna formula” contained in Article 81 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Palestine is now party to all major international human rights, international humanitarian law, and international criminal law treaties. It is also a party to major treaties on the...

October 6, 1973, the hostilities between Israel and Syria (and Egypt) were renewed on a full scale, both States accused the other of committing aggression and declared that they would exercise the right to self-defense (S/11009, S/11011, S/PV.1744). Thus, they referred to the jus ad bellum framework and did not claim that the hostilities were merely part of the ongoing armed conflict. Referring that example to the case under review, Russia started its occupation of Crimea on February 27, 2014. The mere fact that an occupation lasts ‘does not eclipse...

principles is developing incrementally through practice and lawmaking in different areas, such as peace treaties (see e.g., Christine Bell pp 191-204, Jennifer Easterday, pp 379-412), peace operations (Dieter Fleck, pp 43-57), (post-) occupation law (see e.g,. Adam Roberts, Kristen Boon, Yael Ronen, pp. 428-445), international criminal justice (Fréderic Mégret, pp. 519-541) and statebuilding practice (Matthew Saul, pp. 447-464). One of the deficits of modern jus post bellum principles (e.g. accountability, vetting, reparations) and approaches to peacebuilding is that they are often presented in technical labels (‘rule of law’, ‘capacity-building’, ‘civil...

...open reversal of prior commitments to Palestinian statehood and ending Israeli occupation reflects the abandonment of an earlier era of firm Arab opposition to Zionist expansionism. More shockingly, Arab leaders over those perilous 11 days showcased a callous lack of empathy. In the face of a level of violence and destruction unseen by Palestinians since ‘Operation Protective Edge’ in 2014, deemed illegal under international law and subject to an open investigation by the International Criminal Court, several Arab states displayed a form of state psychopathy in their willingness to ignore,...

say, I will only provide express reference for my arguments if they cannot be found in my original piece. The concept of protected persons under the law of occupation Art. 4. of the Fourth Geneva Convention (GCIV) defines the personal scope of application of the Convention. It states that ‘Persons protected by the Convention are those who, at a given moment and in any manner whatsoever, find themselves, in case of a conflict or occupation, in the hands of a Party to the conflict or Occupying Power of which they...

...in my mouth. I think Iraq was wrong on every level. It was bad policy and inconsistent with the law in my humble opinion. (1) Preventive self defense (as opposed to anticipatory -- I do not use preemptive because the term is now so problematic) is unlawful under the UN Charter. (2) I am also not persuaded by the arguments supporting the Iraq war under the previous SC Res's. I think it is a tough question because of the delegations involved for Ch. VII enforcement in general and under 678...

Union of Postal Workers (!?!?) I could go on, but I won’t. Aside from demonstrating the limits of this blog’s readership the flagrant stupidity of this “piracy” meme reflects a remarkable lack of seriousness among (some of) Israel’s critics about the legality of the raid and the blockade. So next time you hear the Foreign Minister of Turkey decrying Israel’s violations of international law, for instance, you can feel confident he actually cares nothing at all about international law, and is just looking for a convenient slogan to slam Israel....

[Solon Solomon is a Lecturer in the Division of Public and International Law at Brunel University London School of Law.] There is no question that Israel has an obligation to alleviate the health crisis that COVID-19 may trigger in the Gaza Strip. After all, according to the jurisprudential line taken by the Israeli Supreme Court, the State cannot allow the emergence of a humanitarian crisis in post-disengagement Gaza. The current post would like to examine how these international law obligations are translated when it comes to the need to avert...

A group of international law and criminal law scholars have issued a joint declaration denouncing Israel’s Gaza offensive for causing “grave violations…of the most basic principles of the laws of armed conflict and of the fundamental rights of the entire Palestinian population.” It is the latest front in the public debate over legal violations arising out of the Gaza conflict, some of which we have noted here at Opinio Juris (the legality of denying electricity to Gaza and the legal effect of Israeli warnings to civilians).Personally, I don’t think there...

[André de Hoogh is Associate Professor in International Law, University of Groningen; his research covers a wide range of topics in public international law. He is a member of the Advisory Committee on Public International Law , a statutory body which provides advice to the Dutch government and parliament; this contribution has been written in his personal capacity, and does not reflect in any way the views of the Advisory Committee.] In its advisory opinion on the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), the International Court of Justice (the Court) held that...

...of the rule of law.”  Unfortunately, in the initial period, the Supreme Court adopted a conservative approach, by reading only the literal text of the Constitution, treating each fundamental right as a separate chapter. In doing so, as it turned out, the Court essentially ended up working as the protector of the landed gentry, reaching a climactic conclusion with the infamous ADM Jabalpur case, in the aftermath of the Emergency. Recall that a majority of the constitutional bench, in that case, barring Justice HR Khanna, agreed with the government that...

...that these democratic policymaking institutions—and U.S. human rights policy as a whole, which is not determined exclusively by either body—are best understood as having no culturally fixed or structurally predetermined approach to engagement, either at the stage of human rights treaty ratification or post-ratification treaty body engagement. (This is precisely what distinguishes an interest-management narrative from an exceptionalist one.) Rather, U.S. policy institutions are better understood as mediating bodies that seek to maximally accommodate the competing (and constantly evolving) interests exerted on them both at the foreign-policy level (from realists...