Search: Symposium on the Functional Approach to the Law of Occupation

...lost, however, is the unique reason why a reparations approach is imperative. The greatest value of a reparations effort is to center the moral issues at base and foster the key elements of a just state of affair. Trust and recognition of harm are key steps to reaching that just state of affairs. The global negotiations under the UNFCCC and other parallel processes have been marked by distrust between nations as well key stakeholders. Further, while Professor Osofsky is correct in citing the very real and positive outcomes of climate-related...

importance of also covering state responsibility, notably because states are often involved in the commission of core crimes. Constructive ambiguity was the chosen path to secure the consensus adoption of the Convention: on the one hand, the expression “committed through acts attributable to the State under international law” was deleted and, on the other hand, the Australian proposal to add the expression “domestic criminal law” was set aside. The result was a watered-down and unqualified wording in Article 83(1) that may be interpreted to advance different legal approaches. The provision...

...& mechanisms that will facilitate domestic democratic deliberation over local incorporation and adaptation of human rights norms. This is an intriguing proposal, but it doesn’ t resolve the paradox of the U.S. approach to international human rights law; rather, it suggests a shift in our understanding of what the paradox is. As Tara herself puts it, the U.S. “upsets first principles of international human rights law” by “invoking only subsidiarity’s negative side” without providing mechanisms for international support and consultation, in complement to domestic deliberative processes (p. 454) In other...

...of the rule of law.”  Unfortunately, in the initial period, the Supreme Court adopted a conservative approach, by reading only the literal text of the Constitution, treating each fundamental right as a separate chapter. In doing so, as it turned out, the Court essentially ended up working as the protector of the landed gentry, reaching a climactic conclusion with the infamous ADM Jabalpur case, in the aftermath of the Emergency. Recall that a majority of the constitutional bench, in that case, barring Justice HR Khanna, agreed with the government that...

is a major scholarly accomplishment, and a must-read for everyone interested in armed conflict and international law. It is a kind of modern encyclopedia on law and war, bringing new research, sources and perspectives to the table, analyzing case law and drawing on political speeches, literature, memoirs and film. At the same time, the disparate strands of analysis are skillfully brought together to provide an overarching evaluation of the legal consequences of a state of war in modern times. I feel very honoured to have had the opportunity to talk...

...that these democratic policymaking institutions—and U.S. human rights policy as a whole, which is not determined exclusively by either body—are best understood as having no culturally fixed or structurally predetermined approach to engagement, either at the stage of human rights treaty ratification or post-ratification treaty body engagement. (This is precisely what distinguishes an interest-management narrative from an exceptionalist one.) Rather, U.S. policy institutions are better understood as mediating bodies that seek to maximally accommodate the competing (and constantly evolving) interests exerted on them both at the foreign-policy level (from realists...

[Dan Bodansky is the Foundation Professor of Law and Faculty Co-Director of the Center for Law and Global Affairs at the Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law at Arizona State University. He was in Paris last week for the climate change negotiations. This is his seventh and final post regarding the conference. Professor Bodansky has consulted for the government of Switzerland and the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions (C2ES) in relation to the Paris Summit. However, he is writing in his personal capacity and the views expressed do not...

...Pre-Trial Chamber can review it (Article 53(3)(b)). The only job of the PTC when the Prosecutor requests the opening of an investigation is to determine jurisdiction and admissibility. And the “interests of justice” fall under neither of these categories. As I will explain in my next post, I completely reject the PTC’s approach to the “interests of justice” — for reasons Dov touches on. But I disagree with the idea that the PTC acted ultra vires by second-guessing the OTP’s belief that the interests of justice did not counsel against...

[Tarcisio Gazzini is Professor of International Law at the University of Padova (Italy). He is the author of The Changing Rules on the Use of Force in International Law (Manchester University Press, 2006) and a founding editor of the book series Nijhoff International Investment Law and of Journal du droit transnational] Introduction Self-defence has become a legally intractable subject. Article 51 of the UN Charter was drafted in 1945 having in mind the second world conflict. It is disputed whether it is fit for purpose to regulate the use of...

[Dr. Jelena Aparac is lecturer and legal advisor in international law, with a research focused on Business and Human Rights in Armed Conflicts; and a Member of the UN Working Group on mercenaries. This is the first part of a two-part post. This is part of a series of blog posts examining International Criminal Law and the Protection of the Environment, and stems from an expert meeting group convened at the Promise Institute for Human Rights at UCLA School of Law in February 2020.] The principal role of international law...

not under the competence of the body; it was, rather under the framework of the Convention on the Law of the Sea.” I have been observing the Security Council’s response to piracy for several years now, and I have been repeatedly surprised by the heavy overlay of law in its resolutions on this topic. Indeed, in my opinion, the piracy resolutions are distinctive in their multiple concrete references to laws and legal institutions. For example, one sees references to the Djibouti code of conduct on human rights, anti-piracy courts, methods...

...potentially counterproductive. Finally, the law enforcement approach to the war on drugs is markedly different from the “war” approach to the war on terrorism, as this indictment symbolizes. The U.S. government is using its criminal laws, and presumably all of its criminal procedure protections, in its attempt to knock out a dangerous opponent, FARC. Why can’t it do the same to Al Qaeda? Then again, given the apparently never ending hopeless task of winning the war on drugs, perhaps the law enforcement approach is not all that attractive after all....