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[This interview was conducted by Dr Stephanie Triefus , a researcher at the Asser Institute and Academic Coordinator for the Netherlands Network for Human Rights Research]  The Annual T.M.C. Asser Lecture is an occasion for reflection on pressing questions of international law and is the Asser Institute’s flagship activity. Each year, the Asser Institute invites a distinguished scholar or practitioner to share their ideas on critical global challenges and the evolving role of law in society. Previous speakers have included Martti Koskenniemi, Anne Orford, Andrew Murray, Michael Fakhri, Brigid Laffan,...

...the term “wordfare” would become a term of art and would enter the vocabulary of our self-reflection, I am happy that such a neologism led Michael to take pains to unearth the etymology of the term ‘(war)fare’ which he has so often been using and which we have, in the past, exchanged extensively about. A few words on Francesco’s insightful gender-related observation ought to be formulated. Although none of us can seriously claim to have the expertise nor the statistics to draw any conclusion in this respect, it certainly is...

...intent to destroy a group’s physical existence and that killings “have a particular importance in proving genocidal intent,” (p. 850) structures lay and lawyerly ideas of genocide and, I believe, serves as a gatekeeper determining which cases are pursued. But the caselaw is not as settled as some exclusionists insist. Events in Ukraine could provide an opportunity for a more searching judicial scrutiny.  This post outlines the doctrine of exclusion and compares it to the Genocide Convention’s text, finding that the weight of the text augers against exclusion. The second...

...reality is that there will be times that states use force out of a sense of moral imperative and long-term strategic importance, and not out of a specific self-defense rationale. International law – and we international lawyers – can try to stand in the way, at times constraining morally imperative action, at times getting bulldozed; or we can look the other way and be sidelined, perhaps even tell policymakers and our clients to move forward without us. Or, we can engage and work with them to help craft the most...

...according to the meaning of the term in international law; or that treaties involving indigenous peoples are not treaties in the present conventional sense of the term, that is, instruments concluded between sovereign States (hence the established position of the United States and Canadian judiciary, by virtue of which treaties involving indigenous peoples are considered to be instruments sui generis); or that those legal instruments have simply been superseded by the realities of life as reflected in the domestic legislation of States. 116. Whatever the reasoning followed, the dominant viewpoint...

...the International Atomic Energy Agency which have a maximum of five years (para 249). The Experts recommend something between the five-year term of the Registrar, and the nine-year terms of the judges and prosecutor (para 249). Whilst that is very helpful it does not help solve the imbalance with current P-5s and director level staff. In its Overall Response to the IER, the Court’s resistance to the tenure proposal was evident, particularly the OTP which used the example of a Senior Trial lawyer to make its point. According to the...

(see above), drawing the conclusion that “no reciprocal breach of diplomatic immunity is permissible” (para 125). The ILC’s use of the term “reciprocal” means that it is talking not only about countermeasures against abuses of diplomatic immunity, but also about violations of immunity as countermeasures. It did not, however, cite the relevant obiter. 4. Conclusion Regarding diplomatic immunity and countermeasures, the Tehran judgment seems to make two interesting and important points: Firstly, countermeasures cannot be used against abuses of diplomatic immunity, and secondly, countermeasures cannot violate diplomatic immunity. These two...

...in the book. But it’s important to include in this discussion the costs of an aggressive judicial posture in these matters–the costs to democratic accountability for fateful decisions of risk allocation, the costs to military effectiveness, and the costs to long-term policy-making flexibility. I think we have tended to give these costs short-shrift in our enthusiasm for near-term practical gains. And while those costs are difficult to calculate at this stage, I also think the gains have been at least somewhat overstated. The population of Gitmo was declining even before...

Back in 2007, Messrs David Rivkin and Lee Casey’s Wall Street Journal op-ed helped popularize the term “lawfare” among U.S. conservatives, who have used the term to decry legal tactics that challenged US policy in the war on terrorism. As they defined it then: The term “lawfare” describes the growing use of international law claims, usually factually or legally meritless, as a tool of war. The goal is to gain a moral advantage over your enemy in the court of world opinion, and potentially a legal advantage in national and...

Sieges, for example, often produce cascading effects: as people’s access to water and energy is cut off, farmers abandon fields, supplies of fertilizer dwindle, and once-fertile land becomes unusable. The resulting scarcity inflates food prices and punishes the most impoverished first, magnifying social tensions. While the short-term damage can be measured in deaths and displacements, the long-term aftershocks may linger for decades, impeding post-conflict reconstruction. Only by applying a “systems lens” can policymakers and humanitarian actors fully account for these interdependencies. By studying how violent acts merge with resource shortages,...

term effort that will outlast any particular presidential administration and in some ways resembles the combined military and ideological struggle of the Cold War. In the long term war on terror, is it possible to conduct it by relying primarily on the power and authority of the executive branch, or does the long term struggle require that Congress institutionalize it through legislation? This is a very interesting and important idea and Ken has lined up a very knowledgeable (and admittedly non-leftish) group of experts. It looks like a great event!...

...evidence that either has condemned suicide bombings or rocket attacks.” I (Bernstein) checked Al Haq’s website, searching for, among other things, “rocket” and could find no criticism of Palestinian rocket attacks, suicide bombings, or other attacks on civilians. That’s curious. I entered the following search into Google: al haq +”rocket attacks”. The first link is to a legal brief that Al-Haq published on 7 January 2009 entitled “Legal Aspects of Israel’s Attacks on the Gaza Strip During Operation ‘Cast Lead’.” Though certainly devoting most of its attention to Israel’s actions...