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The header image depicts Fazel Mohammed (18 years), Mohammed Tayeb (14 years), Mohammed Ibrahim (55 years), Hussain Uzbakza (24 years). These photos have been provided for media use by Leigh Day. [Elizabeth Brown is a doctoral researcher at King’s College London’s Department of War Studies, where she studies British accountability processes following allegations of war crimes in Iraq and Afghanistan. She is also coordinator of King’s War Crimes Research Group.] On Monday the 9th of October 2023, the United Kingdom’s Independent Inquiry Relating to Afghanistan held its first substantive public...

...Libyan authorities. The ICC will remain in close contact with the Libyan authorities to inform them of progress. To be sure, there is nothing overtly wrong with these paragraphs. The ICC should take seriously allegations of defence misconduct. And the second paragraph makes clear, albeit weakly, that the Court itself should be the one to investigate Libya’s allegations against Taylor. But that is nowhere near enough. The ICC must state clearly and unequivocally that Libya had absolutely no legal right to search and detain Taylor, no matter what it thinks...

...seas including the Indian Ocean where several vessels carrying asylum seekers attempting to reach Australia have foundered, and there has been significant loss of life. The death toll from the 20 vessels that have sunk en route to Australia since 2009 now stands at nearly 900. There is an urgent need to clarify the international legal duties upon states to ensure that such tragedies are avoided, and that when sinkings do occur that search and rescue authorities respond promptly and effectively. As Seline explains, there remains uncertainty, in some situations,...

...“close link” required by the new Article 9. New Article 9 also seems to contradict Switzerland ’s obligations under the Geneva Conventions and Protocols I and II, all of which Switzerland has ratified. States that are party to the Conventions and Protocols are required to search for a person suspected of grave breaches of the Conventions and of Protocol 1 and either (1) prosecute him in the appropriate national court, (2) extradite him to a state party willing to do so, or (3) surrender him to an international criminal court:...

...currently undertaking nuclear proliferation activities, the Ship Boarding Agreement can be invoked by the US for boarding and searching Panamanian vessels. Furthermore, due to the new “comprehensive” nature of the sanctions against Iran, the US decided to target the Iranian oil and gas sectors through economic measures. Under an ordinary interpretation, neither oil nor gas would be the subject of a board and search operation under the Ship Boarding Agreement, as long as they are not used to produce or enrich fissile material. But it is very likely that an...

[Malcolm Wu is an LL.M. candidate at the London School of Economics and Political Science.] Introduction As highlighted by Mudukuti and Gauci and Karageorgiou, the criminalisation of NGOs and human rights defenders (HRDs), notably within the context of search and rescue operations (SAR), has been on the rise in the EU since its migration crisis in 2015. A substantial role in this controversy belongs to the broadly-drafted Facilitation Directive 2002/90/EC which renders NGOs and HRDs liable for human smuggling for rescuing distressed migrants at sea (Amnesty International 2020 Report, para....

...the top post in a Google search for Ahmadinejad is an October 2005 BBC profile, followed shortly thereafter by an antiseptic Wikipedia profile and a positive June 2005 profile in Al Jazeera. All three are out-of-date, inaccurate, and make no mention of the current threat that he has become. By contrast, the top post for a Google search of his alternative spelling of “Ahmadinejah” is my post on the “The Madness of Mahmoud Ahmadinejah.” It is incomplete, but more accurately gives voice to the true threat that is Mahmoud Ahmadinejad....

[Başak Bağlayan is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Faculty of Law Economy and Finance at the University of Luxembourg. Gamze Erdem Türkelli is an Assistant Research Professor at the University of Antwerp Law & Development Research Group. Başak Etkin is a PhD Candidate at Université Paris 2 Panthéon-Assas, and the co-creator and co-host of the philosophy of international law podcast, Borderline Jurisprudence. Aysel Küçüksu is a Postdoctoral Fellow on the “Human Rights Nudge” project at iCourts, Faculty of Law, University of Copenhagen. Ezgi Yıldız is a Senior Researcher on the...

[Alexander Blanchard is Senior Researcher in the Governance of AI Programme at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Sweden] In recent weeks, there has been a good deal of commentary about military applications of artificial intelligence (AI), prompted by the US military’s public spat with the AI company Anthropic and the use of AI in its war on Iran. But another set of headlines also merits attention for those concerned with the global governance of military AI. Last month, juries in US courts found two of the most powerful...

The wide-ranging responses to Oona’s work are a testament to its ambition and importance. In the interest of keeping the discussion manageable, I’d like to offer two additional comments on Oona’s piece even though I could easily pursue a half dozen other lines of inquiry. First, I wanted to comment on the subtitle of the article—“The Past, Present and Future of International Lawmaking in the United States.” I wonder about the use of the term “lawmaking” here. Is it true that when we talk about treaties we’re always talking about...

...approach. But will any vestige of the Annex I/non-Annex I dichotomy remain? Developed countries mostly argue that the concept of nationally determined contributions (NDCs) implies self-differentiation and that this self-differentiation is sufficient. But many developing countries would like some continuation of the categorical, annex-based approach found in the UNFCCC and the Kyoto Protocol. The 2014 US-China joint announcement added the phrase “in light of different national circumstances” to the principle of CBDR-RC, apparently to give it a more dynamic quality. This formulation was included in the Lima Call for Action...

stepping down early (his term expires in 2015) and that, indeed, the search for his successor is well underway. (I’m sure many readers of this blog knew about this way before I did). I will leave for another day, and to more knowledgeable folks, the evaluations of Judge Buergenthal’s service on the ICJ. Let me get down to what we are all really interested in: who will be his replacement? Technically, there is no U.S. seat on the I.C.J., nor does the U.S. government play a formal role in the...