16 Jul Transfers and Deliveries
The international insistence on banning natural growth in Israeli settlements is ironic because it is this population that is most clearly legal under the Geneva Convention. After all, babies are born, not “transferred.”
The discussion must begin with the text of the Fourth Geneva Convention. We will assume that the Convention applies to the West Bank (the Art. 2 issue), that the League of Nation’s Mandate is a dead letter, etc, so that we can focus on Art. 49(6), which is said to make all settlements illegal. It provides that “the occupying power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own population into the territories it occupies.” The meaning of the term transfer was unclear to the drafters, as the official commentary itself admits. The International Committee for the Red Cross commentary does explain that the intent of the provision was to prevent population movements that “worsened the economic situation of the native population and endangered their separate existence as a race.” Neither applies to the Palestinians in West Bank, whose prosperity grew at unprecedented rates since 1967, and who are more clearly a separate group now than they were then.
Crucially, the Convention only bars action by the “occupying power” — in other words, the government and public authorities of the country. It does not apply to the movements and real estate decisions of private individuals. Various other parts of the Convention distinguish between “nationals of the occupying Power” and “the occupying power” itself; the prohibitions of Article 49 fall exclusively on the latter.
The birth of babies to civilians – we’re not talking Hitlerian birthing homes – is not a “transfer … of its own population” by any plausible definition. Indeed, the newborn is not even part of the previous population of the occupying power! So a significant proportion of settlers never “settled.”
Nothing in the text or history of Art. 49 suggests that it becomes illegal for nationals of the occupying power to reside in the occupied territory. People want to read Art. 49 as saying “the occupied territory shall be prohibited to nationals of the occupying power for residence.” This is a far cry from what it says. It goes against the GC’s humanitarian principles to read it as a restrictive covenant. The precise meaning of transfer – how much government action is required – is undefined by any source I know of, though the Rome Statute’s addition of an “indirect transfer” prohibition only underlines how absent such language is from Art. 49(6).The relevant Security Council resolutions only condemn “the policy and practices of Israel in establishing settlements” (S.C. 446). This seems to support my view.
Given the ambiguities about the scope of the transfer ban, one might look to other incidents of state practice to see how such situations were handled. If there is a general rule that an occupation makes not just the “transfers” by the government themselves, but the continued residence of the transferees and their descendants illegal forever, I am surprised we have not heard of it in other contexts. None of the proposals for ending the occupation of Northern Cyprus, Western Sahara, etc. contemplate removing a single Turk or Moroccan, as far as I know. And while there are not any proposals for ending Chinese occupation of Tibet and Russian occupation of Georgia, no one has suggested that the presence of occupying nationals in those countries is a continued violation of international law. Yes, China violates the GC by shipping Han en masse to Tibet to demographically overwhelm the native population. But has even a law professor suggested their deportation back?
When America occupied Iraq, would it have been illegal for Americans of Iraqi ancestry to move back? I believe some did and no one made an issue of it. Would it matter if they flew there on a U.S. plane? If they moved to a neighborhood that people had moved out of as a result of the war? No one was even asking such questions.
All of this means two things. First, there is nothing illegal about nationals of the occupying power residing in the occupied territory if they get there without being sent by the government, without being “transferred.” The scope of this category is unclear but must certainly include those born in the West Bank. Israel has no affirmative obligation to prevent migration, or to deny municipal services to migrants. Second, even those have been transferred are not themselves doing anything illegal. (I will respond to criticisms of this point from earlier comments in a separate post, really!)
As I’m finishing up the summer session of school I have precious little time to say all the things on my mind about this (and previous posts on the subject) so I’ll confine myself to a few points. The remark that “there is nothing illegal about nationals of the occupying power residing in the occupied territory if they get there without being sent by the government, without being ‘transferred,'” is more than a tad disingenuous and certainly obfuscatory if only because it ingores the role played by successive Israeli governments and the military (at bottom, motivated by a particular Zionist ideology that claims the land in question belongs to Jews as ordained by God; as Gabriel Piterberg has explained, this ideology pivots around three ‘foundational myths:’ the ‘negation of exile,’ the ‘return to the land of Israel,’ and the ‘return to history’) in overtly or implicitly promoting, encouraging and facilitating settlements in the Occupied Territories. For instance, it was the military that “became the conduit for land appropriation through its organization of the system of land expropriation and settlements construction. During the first decade of the occupation, the military issued a number of decrees for acquiring land, mainly by declaring them state or… Read more »
Yes, you are right that if settlers having babies is not a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Congratulations for refuting an argument that NO ONE is making. Your perseverance in attempting to confuse the issues is truly impressive.
Patrick — glad you posted, I was worried about you! Michael — I’m glad you agree with me on the natural growth issue. I believe many would say that “natural growth” is illegal. Also, that even those born in the WB are illegal settlers. Certainly the Obama Administration has said that all settlement activity is “illegitimate,” and has included births in that that. (It is possible that illegitimate does not mean illegal, thought they are often taken as synonymous in this context.)
Now you might say he is talking about building houses to accommodate births – though that is not his language. But it is puzzling why that would be a problem if the births themselves not “transfers.” Art 49(6) is not anti-construction, it is anti-transfer. So it could apply to construction to promote transfer. But not to construction to promote births.
Does this mean all Israeli settlement activity is legal, given the assumptions made above? For sure not. It does mean that it depends on a variety of highly localized facts, not suspesptible to blanket bans. And it means that not all demographic phenomenon in the WB are “Israeli settlement activity.”
Eugene, I must say, with respect, that I have to agree with some of the other commenters on your previous posts, particularly with Andreas Paulus’ last comment. It appears to me to that you are setting up a series of straw man argument that you then proceed to demolish, but that are (as far as I am aware) far outside the mainstream of international legal scholarship or the legal position on the Israeli settlements. (1) I don’t think it is seriously contended that the settlers themselves are violating international law. As private persons, they simply are not; they are in no way bound by GC IV. It is only the state of Israel that is potentially in breach of international law. It is likewise not contended, to my knowledge, that the mere fact that the settlers have Israeli nationality renders their presence in occupied territory unlawful. (2) As for Art. 49(6) GC IV, it has been interpreted by the ICJ as not only prohibiting actual transfers of population, but also any measures taken by the occupying Power to encourage transfers of its own population into occupied territory (Wall AO, para. 120). Thus, it is not the private decision by a… Read more »
It is incerdibly pretentious to argue that “there is nothing illegal about nationals of the occupying power residing in the occupied territory if they get there without being sent by the government, without being “transferred.”” These nationals of Israel who moved to the Occupied Territories did not move into Palestinians town and villages, bought apartments there, rented apartments, or got building permissions from local authorities. They moved into new towns and villages that did not exist before 1967 (other then very few cases such as in Hebron old city). In order for these towns and villages to exist, the government of Israel had to build infrastructure, create new municipalities, build everything from scratch. These towns and village could not be build by private individuals even if they wanted to. They needed city planners, permits, a whole state infrastructure in order to make this new towns exist. So arguing that the state of Israel was not part of transfering these population to the West Bank but that it was the decision of individuals is simply twisting the facts so that they can fit whatever argument you want to make. As for the babies argument, I feel sorry that someone with a legal education and law degree who teaches students can make such an idiotic argument. They babies… Read more »
The quoted material was from two articles, one by Leila Farsakh and the other by Remma Hamami with Salim Tamari, found in the MIT Electronic Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 8 (Spring 2008).
I think Marko’s characteristically lucid legal analysis provides an appropriate complement to the historical, political and legal points I sketched above. but in particular the following point is apropos:
Thus, it is not the private decision by a large number of Israeli nationals to move, of their own free will, into the Palestinian occupied territories that is a violation of international law. It is the state policy of Israel to encourage such movements of population that is a violation of Art. 49(6) GC IV. This interpretation of Art. 49(6) is not only that of the ICJ, but also that of the UN Security Council and practically every other state but Israel.
Etc., etc. (i.e., nos. 3 & 4)
Let’s not forget that A succession of Israeli governments has ordered five major waves of expropriation in and around Jerusalem, involving about a third of the area supposedly annexed to the city in 1967, taking land from its Palestinian owners and giving it over to areas of exclusively Jewish settlement. Palestinians today comprise a third of Jerusalem’s population, but they have access to less than 10 percent of the land within the redefined city limits. Ninety percent of the territory annexed to Jerusalem in 1967–all of it Palestinian land–is today off limits to Palestinian development because the land is already built on by Jewish settlements or being held in reserve for their future expansion. (Saree Makdisi) Here, as elsewhere, it is clear that the Israeli government has been involved in promotion and financing of the settlements. As stated in the policy brief on the “Legal Status of Israeli Settlements Under IHL” (2004) published by the Harvard Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research, [M]any of the settlements in the West Bank…are defined as ‘national priority areas,’ which results in increased government funding as compared to other communities, including housing subsidies. The Israeli Ministry of Housing was reported at one period to be devoting 20%… Read more »
I’d like to thank Marko, and earlier Andreas Paulus, for their comments, which help to focus the debate. I’ll refer primarily to Marko’s comments here, and the a bit to Andreas’. I’m glad Marko does not think “it is seriously contended that the settlers themselves are violating international law.” However, responses to my previous posts seemed to suggest just that. Moreover, when Jews have purchased/built on privately-purchased property, the international response has been to treat this as settlement” as well. Britian recently stopped inviting British citizens living in the WB to its consular functions in Jerusalem, suggesting the private presence of these individuals is problematic. But if we’re in agreement on point # 1, a good place to start — just back me up when other commenters question this point. Where we part company is #2, the idea that non-actual transfers are also illegal. You cite the ICJ’s recent advisory opinion. it is just that. An advisory opinion undertaken in response to an extraordinarily tendentious and and conclusory question from the General Assembly. (The GA asked, in short, what are the legal consequences of the illegal wall Israel is building in on occupied Palestinian land, and the threatens any prospect… Read more »
This interpretation of Art. 49(6) is not only that of the ICJ, but also that of the UN Security Council and practically every other state but Israel. Eugene’s comments make me am curious. Is there actually more than, say, half-a-dozen states which have in fact done anything to demonstrate their opposition to ‘transfer-by-encouragement’ in any context besides Israel? Off the top of my head, Russia and China are two security council members with either very recent or ongoing practices in this area. France is one with a storied history, albeit stopping about 30 years ago. India is a massive democracy but one which until rather recently practised transfers as State policy. Malaysia would be ill-placed to complain, and I think Thailand has some pretty recent form here too. Turkey certainly does. Perhaps the Balkan States as reconstituted can be absolved of the sins of their fathers? Iraq can fall under the same exception I guess. Has Iran practised this with respect to its Hazaris? Britain’s savage history is presumably old enough and sufficiently repudiated to ignore, and same with the ex-colonies such as Australia and Canada. At least some western and central African States appear to have done this kind of thing. Indonesia,… Read more »