Student-Edited Law Reviews, OLC, and the Downfall of the Republic

Student-Edited Law Reviews, OLC, and the Downfall of the Republic

Okay, so it’s not easy to connect these dots, and I certainly wouldn’t pretend to have a generalizable theory here. But there’s a plausible story to be told in John Yoo’s ascent and the pretty clear damage done by his post-9/11 work at the Office of Legal Counsel. One can take Jack Goldsmith’s critique of Yoo’s OLC work in The Terror Presidency (“clumsy”, “unusual lack of care and sobriety,” “extreme,” like a “bad defense counsel’s brief,” all appropriately decoupled from any implication of personal attack) and say something similar about Yoo’s legal scholarship. Don’t take my word for it (though pre-9/11 academic exchanges had the gloves very much on): see here, here, and here. Another way of putting it: were any of us really surprised when we read the torture memos?

So the question is: would his scholarship have placed so well if law reviews were peer-edited? Addington & Co. must have been thanking their lucky, lucky stars to have had someone with Yoo’s views and stellar credentials around on 9/12. If he hadn’t had such an impressive scholarly bibliography, would his advice have counted for as much inside the Administration? I’m not sure of the answers here (after all, the University of Chicago Press published his book in 2005, although I am told that peer review among book publishers these days is a pretty flimsy gatekeeper, as presses look increasingly to the bottom line). I’m also not sure that (this unusual confluence of events aside) peer-review publication regimes are necessarily better for purposes of advancing the knowledge ball. Peer review has a tendency to stifle the development of new models for the simple reason that those doing the reviewing have a vested interest in existing ones.

I wonder if the Bush Administration experience might not mark the dysfunctional zenith of the partnership between policymakers and legal academics dating way back (how far I couldn’t tell you). OLC is by far the best perch for lawprofs on the inside. It’s small, so that there’s little resistance from career types. It has had a clearly defined institutional prerogative inside the executive branch, giving lawyers there a leg-up on intra- and inter-agency processes (a plus insofar as one might not expect most lawprofs to be well equipped for bureaucratic infighting). Finally, its work product is ideally suited to academic training, in the form of opinions that are, if anything, more rarified than their judicial equivalents.

But OLC would appear to be damaged goods out of Bush II. Will its reputation be instantly revived with a Democrat Administration? If not, where will the lawprofs hang their hats in a Clinton administration, or will they just stay away? From the policymakers’ perspective, has John Yoo spoiled everyone’s fun by diminishing the credibility of lawprof advice? Other factors may be at work here as well, like the move towards more theoretical work that might not coincide with policymaking interests (although power and the trappings of government will always have some appeal, even – and perhaps especially – for those in the ivory tower). Assuming its truth, would the end of this revolving door be something to lament?

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Jordan Paust
Jordan Paust

You may have an exaggerated view of the operation of Yoo’s views within the administration, but we on the outside don’t know for sure. However, he was at least willing and convenient for the, in his words, “inner circle”. As John Yoo has admitted, the inner circle, during meetings often chaired by Gonzales, chose to abandon Geneva’s strict limitations and created a “common, unifying” plan to engage in “coercive interrogation” (anthing short of “torture” as they would attempt to redefine it). Later, when lawyers in State, DOD, and JAG officers complained, they were bypassed when new memos, authorizations, orders and such were devised to fulfill the common plan. John Yoo’s role in this regard, at least, is documented in my new book “Above the Law….” (Cambridge Univ. Press 2007).

JJ Paust

The NewStream Dream
The NewStream Dream

I guess the assumption would be that peer-reviewed journals would not have published Yoo, lacking this form of validation, he never gets to OLC etc. I think the problem with the argument is that Yoo gets cited frequently by his peers. In fact, I think he is in the top-10. Isn’t that a signal that Yoo is a very significant thinker in the field, even if you don’t agree with him? Don’t you want significant thinkers at OLC? Many people espouse controversial viewpoints that are utterly ignored, his are not. That fact is important. If you don’t buy the peer citation argument, what about an appointment to Berkley as evidence of his general qualification. Simply put, this man is not Harriet Miers … I really don’t think you can make a statement about his scholastic weakness. Surely, the test for OLC qualifications can’t be that Ben Davis or Peter Spiro sign off on your appointment (I say that with a smile on my face). Wouldn’t it have to be something along the lines of significance in the field? Think about it from the other spectrum, would you say that a generic, prominent new stream theorists (insert whoever you want) is… Read more »

Peter Spiro
Peter Spiro

NSD: Fair point about the citations, which is a form of peer review. It takes more than a ranking, though, to prove the point, because you’ll get many citations that aren’t exactly validating. One can’t really ignore relevant work published in top journals (back to those student editors), so even if you cite doesn’t mean you agree, even remotely.

Fair point also about Harriet Miers, but surely Addington needed someone with much more firepower than that – question is, how much?

Finally, I’ve got no problem with some revisionists who have served in this Administration. I disagree with Jack Goldsmith on a lot of things, including his basic outlook on IL, but his appointment was an excellent one (and I would have said that even before the book).