Does the U.S. Constitution Extend Rights to Aliens Detained Outside the United States?

Does the U.S. Constitution Extend Rights to Aliens Detained Outside the United States?

The NYT flags an important issue that has been largely lost in the coverage of congressional plans to overhaul the military commission system. As the NYT reports, both the Bush bill and the McCain-Graham alternative would strip federal courts of their jurisdiction to hear habeas corpus appeals from detainees held outside of the U.S. (including Guantanamo Bay). According to the NYT:



Representative Martin T. Meehan, Democrat of Massachusetts, who has taken a leading role in trying to counter the administration’s efforts, said that stripping the federal courts of the right to hear habeas corpus challenges “raised grave constitutional questions.”



But is there a serious or grave constitutional challenge to the elimination of federal court habeas jurisdiction for aliens outside the U.S? I’m no expert on habeas, but I doubt it.



Although the NYT paints this as a rather dramatic or even secretive step by Congress to curtail aliens’ rights, this is really just Congress re-enacting the 2005 Detainee Treatment Act to make it clear that the law really does apply retroactively to existing cases. Moreover, prior to the Supreme Court’s 2004 decision in Rasul v. Bush, habeas rights were not generally thought to extend outside the territory of the U.S. Rasul rested only on a reading of the habeas statute, and did not suggest that the Constitution required granting habeas rights to aliens outside the U.S.



And even if existing habeas rights do extend to aliens outside the U.S., Congress almost assuredly has the right to suspend habeas corpus under article I of the Constitution which permits suspension “in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.”



The larger point is that the U.S. Constitution has not generally been read to extend rights to aliens outside the U.S., or at least it has not been read to extend all of its rights to aliens outside the U.S. (Fourth Amendment – No. Fifth Amendment- maybe). But if Congress passes either the McCain or Bush legislation (and it will almost surely pass one of them), critics of the war on terrorism detentions will have to fall back on these kinds of constitutional arguments. I think these arguments are even weaker than the ones the critics made in Hamdan and Rasul based on the existing statutes and international law. But then again, the critics won in those cases, so I could once again be proved wrong in my predictions of how Justice Kennedy will vote.

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fdelondras

The material question re: Guanatanamo Bay detainees at any rate is whether it really is outside the territory of the United States. A simple property law analysis would suggest that it’s not, of course. The constitutional arguments re: GB are quite strong I think, although I agree they are weak relating to areas outside the US which the country is either occupying (in which case, of course, CA3 should apply) or in any secret prisons that may be opened in the future within the jurisdiction of other states (in which case those states’ domestic law should, of course, apply including the ECHR in European states).

Vlad Perju

Julian,

Andrew Kent has an article forthcoming in the Georgetown Law Journal about this topic. I posted about it here. He concludes that “as a textual and historical matter, noncitizens are to be protected through diplomacy, enforcement of international law by the U.S. government, and nonconstitutional policy choices of the political branches.” He notes that the Suspension Clause authorizes suspension of the writ only in cases of rebellion and invasion, and “if the only two permissible triggers for suspension are internal events, it follows that the writ cannot be suspended based on purely external threats.” Fairly interesting textual and structural argument.

Roger

randomopinion
randomopinion

Prof. Ku:

“(…) I think these arguments are even weaker than the ones the critics made in Hamdan and Rasul based on the existing statutes and international law. But then again, the critics won in those cases, so I could once again be proved wrong in my predictions of how Justice Kennedy will vote.”

Cambridge Dictionary of American English:

conceit

noun [U]

the habit or attitude of thinking yourself better than others, even when there is no reason to think so”

fdelondras

I can’t help but feel it would be easier and more persuasive to refute Julian’s arguments than for everyone to just keep posting rude comments to him…. Maybe then he’s actually engage with the comments.

Christopher Cassidy

Professor Ku,

In light of this post paired with your recent debate on the value of John Yoo’s arguments on the subject, you may be interested in Marty Lederman’s review of Yoo‘s latest defense of the Bush Administration, over at Balkinization. It’s a long post evading summarization, so I’ll save you from my attempt to do so. But I would enjoy hearing your response, if you find the time.

Marty Lederman
Marty Lederman

“Marty Lederman’s review of Yoo’s latest defense of the Bush Administration, over at Balkinization.”

I did? “review” is giving me much too much credit.

I have a few more words to say over at the VC — see http://volokh.com/posts/1158523700.shtml#142092 — but it’s still a far cry from a “review.”

Indeed, what’s striking about both John’s NYTimes editorial, and his new book, is how very little there is by way of any legal defense of his views in the Administration that the Commander in Chief may ignore statutes regulating treatment of the enemy. Because there’s not much of a justification offered, it’s difficult to know where to begin any “review.”

Charles Gittings

I have to concur with Marty here: they are pretty much down to brazen posturing now, and that’s not intended to be rude Fiona, it’s just a statement of fact.

It isn’t rude to show that someone’s views are wrong, and it isn’t objective to pretend that fallacious reasoning is merely a matter of opinion where reasonable people can disagree.

fdelondras

Charles I agree, but as Julian hasn’t engaged in these discussions I thought we might try a change in tack!!

(Of course this brings up a whole other question – can you be said to truly be a blogger if you don’t get ‘into’ the comments and discussion part? Are the rules different for academic blogs? What’s the point in blogging without engagement?? It’s like publishing an article and being standoffish if someone responds either in print or by email/letter to engage you in a few things. What’s the point in having a point if you’re not open to expanding/disucssing/defending/changing it based on discourse? of course I’m going off topic now, but it’s an interesting thing to think about I think).

Also, I rarely find your comments rude Charles because you always put your name to it.

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