Does the ICCPR Apply Extraterritorially?

Does the ICCPR Apply Extraterritorially?

The U.S. appeared before the UN Human Rights Committee on Monday — its first appearance since 1995 — to report on its implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Notably, Matthew Waxman, Principal Deputy Director for Policy Planning at the State Department reiterated the U.S. view that the ICCPR does not apply extraterritorially and thus does not apply to the war on terror. Here is an excerpt from his statement:

[I]t is the long-standing view of the United States that the Covenant by its very terms does not apply outside of the territory of a State Party. We are aware of the views of members of this Committee regarding the extraterritorial application of the Covenant, including the Committee’s General Comment No. 31. While we have great respect for the Committee’s views, as the Committee is aware, the United States has a principled and long-held view that the Covenant applies only to a State Party’s territory. It is the long-standing view of my government that applying the basic rules for the interpretation of treaties described in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties leads to the conclusion that the language in Article 2, Pargraph 1, establishes that States Parties are required to respect and ensure the rights in the Covenant only to individuals who are BOTH within the territory of a State Party and subject to its jurisdiction. First, this interpretation is confirmed by the ordinary meaning of the treaty text. Article 2, Paragraph 1, of the Covenant states explicitly that State Parties are required to respect and ensure the rights in the Covenant to all individuals, and I quote, “within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction.”

Additionally, this plain meaning of the treaty language is also confirmed by the Covenant’s negotiating record. The negotiating record of the Covenant makes clear that the inclusion of the reference to “within its territory” in Article 2(1) was adopted as a result of a proposal made over fifty years ago by U.S. delegate Eleanor Roosevelt – specifically to ensure that States Parties would not be obligated to implement the Covenant outside their territories. Mrs. Roosevelt emphasized that the United States was “particularly anxious” that it not assume “an obligation to ensure the rights recognized in it to the citizens of countries under United States occupation” or in what she characterized as “leased territory” outside the territorial boundaries of a State Party. She further explained: “An illustration would be the occupied territories of Germany, Austria and Japan: persons within those countries were subject to the jurisdiction of the occupying States in certain respects, but were outside the scope of legislation of those States.” Several delegations spoke out against the proposed U.S. amendment at the time, arguing that a nation should guarantee fundamental rights to its citizens outside of its territorial boundaries as well as within them. They suggested that the “and” in the U.S. amendment should be replaced with the word “or.” However, the U.S. amendment to change the text to the current formulation of Article 2 was adopted at the 1950 session by a vote of 8 in favor and 2 opposed, with 5 abstentions. Subsequent efforts to delete the phrase “within its territory” were also defeated. Accordingly, as State Department Legal Adviser Conrad Harper explained to this Committee in 1995, the words “within its territory” had been debated and were added by vote. The clear understanding emerged that such wording limited the State Party’s obligations to within its territory. Thus the territorial limitation in Article 2, far from being inconsistent with the object and purpose of the treaty, reflects the clear and expressed intention of those countries that negotiated the instrument.

The Human Rights Committee apparently disagrees. According to a recent ASIL Insight written by John Cerone:

The Human Rights Committee has consistently held that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights can have extraterritorial application, clearly demonstrating its understanding that a State’s jurisdiction extends beyond its territorial boundaries.

In Burgos/Lopez v. Uruguay, the Committee held that Uruguay violated its obligations under the Covenant when its security forces abducted and tortured a Uruguayan citizen then living in Argentina. Following the command of Article 5(1) that “[n]othing in the present Covenant may be interpreted as implying… any right to engage in any activity… aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms recognized herein,” the Committee reasoned that “it would be unconscionable to so interpret the responsibility under article 2 of the Covenant as to permit a State party to perpetrate violations of the Covenant on the territory of another State, which violations it could not perpetrate on its own territory.”

Initially, it was unclear whether the Committee’s holding in Burgos/Lopez was strictly limited to extraterritorial violations committed against a state’s own nationals. However, the Committee’s recent practice makes clear that the Covenant applies to a state’s conduct abroad even with respect to its treatment of foreign nationals.

In its General Comment 31, the Committee asserted that “a State party must respect and ensure the rights laid down in the Covenant to anyone within the power or effective control of that State Party, even if not situated within the territory of the State Party.” Similarly, after affirming that the “enjoyment of Covenant rights is not limited to citizens of States Parties but must also be available to all individuals, regardless of nationality or statelessness, such as asylum seekers, refugees, migrant workers and other persons, who may find themselves in the territory or subject to the jurisdiction of the State Party,” the Committee noted that “[t]his principle also applies to those within the power or effective control of the forces of a State Party acting outside its territory, regardless of the circumstances in which such power or effective control was obtained, such as forces constituting a national contingent of a State Party assigned to an international peace-keeping or peace-enforcement operation.”

The Committee confirmed its position specifically in the context of military occupation. In response to the Israeli government’s assertion that the ICCPR did not apply to its conduct in the Occupied Territories, the Committee stated that “the provisions of the Covenant apply to the benefit of the population of the Occupied Territories, for all conduct by the State party’s authorities or agents in those territories that affect the enjoyment of rights enshrined in the Covenant and fall within the ambit of State responsibility of Israel under the principles of public international law.”

Treaty interpretation is far beyond my expertise, so I won’t venture an opinion on whether the U.S. position is correct. I’d be curious to know what our readers and my co-bloggers think.

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Marty Lederman
Marty Lederman

My understanding is that, rightly or wrongly, this has indeed long been the view of the U.S. The more important news, perhaps, is what seems like a throw-away line in the Waxman statement: “As we have explained before, the United States believes that the law of armed conflict – international humanitarian law – provides the proper legal framework regarding some of the questions raised by the Committee.” In other words, the ICCPR doesn’t apply at all to the conflict with Al Qaeda — even within the U.S. — because the LOAC are lex specialis. More striking still was John Bellinger’s recent statement before the Committee on Torture that the Convention Against Torture does not apply to armed conflicts. In other words, their position appears to be that the LOAC — Geneva in particular, perhaps the customary laws of armed conflict more broadly — supersede all other human rights treaty obligations in armed conflcits, including that with Al Qaeda, and those in Iraq and Afghanistan. From their perspective, this was a very helpful theory pre-Hamdan because, conveniently, Al Qaeda detainees in their view were not protected by Geneva. Now that Common Article 3 applies, however, these lex specialis arguments perhaps are… Read more »

Duncan B. Hollis

Kevin — I believe that the United States position on the extraterritorial reach of treaties derives, by inference, from Art. 29 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties: i.e., “Unless a different intention appears from the treaty or is otherwise established, a treaty is binding upon each party in respect of its entire territory.” Thus, unless it is established otherwise, one would assume U.S. treaties apply in U.S. territory, and only U.S. territory. Of course, one could still bind the United States to the ICCPR for extraterritorial acts if you could establish that it was intended to have such a reach. On that front, however, I believe the United States has been a pretty persistent objector.

Marko Milanovic
Marko Milanovic

As Marty points out, there are two separate issues raised by the US before the Committee, and previously: (i) the ICCPR does not apply extraterritorially, and (ii) even if it did, IHL is applicable, and human rights law is not. The US position on the first issue is more defensible, simply because of the textual argument, i.e. application is limited to persons who are both within a state’s territory AND subject to its jurisdiction. Even though some states, many authors (see, e.g. Nowak’s CCPR Commentary), the HRCommitte, and finally the ICJ in the Wall Advisory Opinion (and repeated in Congo v. Uganda) took the contrary view, the US can still make an arguable case, especially in the light of its longstanding practice. However, the US argument is much, much weaker when it comes to other HR treaties, such as the Convention against torture, whose Article 2(1) lays a duty on “each State Party to take effective legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures to prevent acts of torture in any territory under its jurisdiction.” The textual argument is much different here, isn’t it? Anyway, see also Michal Dennis’s piece in the 2005 AJIL, which is the best defense of the US… Read more »

Michael Eddy
Michael Eddy

Interesting issue brought up by Marty Lederman of whether the Convention on Torture applies during armed conflict.

Apparently the International Law Commission has begun drafting a treaty on this very issue of “the effects of armed conflict on treaties”.

See the latest draft articles here.

From a cursory reading of the draft articles, it appears that the Convention on Torture would still apply during armed conflict.

Aaron Ostrovsky
Aaron Ostrovsky

I agree with Marko’s comment regarind Art. 29, VCLT. Indeed, it appears based on the ILC’s commentary, that Art. 29 does not necessarily control extra-territorial application of treaties. But the commentary does suggest deference to E. Roosevelt’s insistence regarding the scope of extra-territorial application of the ICCPR (none).

But obviously the ILC’s commentary would be secondary to a simple reading of the text and I think this is where Duncan’s (with all due respect) interpreation fails. After all, doesn’t inserting the term “and only” into Art. 29 seem to add significant meaning that is simply not evident in the text? Appologies if this is a bit of a non sequitur.

Duncan B. Hollis

Blog in haste, regret at leisure. I take the point on the ILC commentary re Art. 25 by Marko and was simply trying to piece together my (demonstrably sketchy) recollection of the U.S. position on this issue. Still, I think that the U.S. is fairly fixed in its view that the ICCPR was not intended to apply extraterritorially and, as a legal matter, does not feel legally bound to alter its position in light of the contrary views of other institutions, scholars, or tribunals, where it has not consented to their authority to speak definitively on the issue.

Dapo Akande
Dapo Akande

Marko is right to identify 2 separate questions (which often overlap). As regards the first question (the extraterritorial application of human rights treaties), the UK courts held a couple of years ago that the European Convention of Human Rights applies to the activities of UK armed forces in Iraq when they have effective control over the person concerned (eg when UK forces are running a prison or have a person in custody): R (Al Skeini) v. Secretary of State for Defence. The wording of the relevant position of the ECHR is different to that of the ICCPR as it only extends rights to persons within the jurisdiction of parties to the treaties. However, I was of the view that that this difference was immaterial as though the ICCPR provides for jurisdiction within the territory and jurisdiction of a party, the HRC had indicated that the “and” was not conjunctive but disjunctive. But if the presentation of the travaux that the US sets out is correct this is very significant evidence that the ICCPR should not be interpreted as applying extraterritorially. I realise that under the Vienna Convention, recourse to the travaux should only be used in limited circumstances. However, given… Read more »

tom sebastian
tom sebastian

I think an additional issue here is the legal status of the Committees General Comments. Can they be determinative of an interpretative issue over the objections of a particular state? I’d like to hear more about how the US views the balance of interpretative power between the Committee and an individual Member- State.

Article 40.4 provides little guidance it states that:

“The Committee shall study the reports submitted by the States Parties to the present Covenant. It shall transmit its reports, and such general comments as it may consider appropriate, to the States Parties. The Committee may also transmit to the Economic and Social Council these comments along with the copies of the reports it has received from States Parties to the present Covenant.”

On the specific interpretaitve issue I think the US has the upper hand especially because of the drafting history.