01 May Popping in on the Stockholm Convention
It’s a busy time of year for international lawyers. For those of us who work as academics, we’re busy writing and grading exams. For those working for governments, international organizations and NGOs, the spring season of treaty negotiations and meetings is in full swing. This week, for example, negotiators and other interested stakeholders are in Geneva for the Second Conference of the Parties for the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (a.k.a. the POPs Convention). This treaty seeks to protect human health and the environment from certain chemicals, known as POPs, that share 4 characteristics: (1) they persist in the environment for long periods of time, (2) they are capable of traveling large distances across continents and oceans (thus, evidence of POPs are often found in the Arctic, notwithstanding their production takes place thousands of miles away); (3) they bioaccumulate in human and animal tissue (for example, if you eat fish infested with a POP, it ends up contaminating your tissue as well); and (4) they have significant impacts on human health and the environment (among other things, some can kill you).
The POPs Convention requires states parties to ban the use, import and export of the so-called “Dirty Dozen” POPs, except where specifically excepted under the Convention’s annexes. For example, the parties agreed to ban DDT (which was banned in the United States and many other developed countries in the 1970s, but remained in use in many developing states) subject to an exception if it’s being used to help control malaria. More importantly, the POPs treaty includes a mechanism for adding additional POPs to the treaty’s coverage through a decision of the parties, following the recommendation of a body set up under the treaty — the POPs Review Committee (referred to as the POPRC, but pronounced “POPROCK”).
Now, it’s no secret that the Bush Administration has expressed its disdain for certain environmental treaties. But, the POPs Convention is a notable exception. Indeed, more than five years ago, President Bush held a Rose Garden ceremony where he indicated strong U.S. support for the treaty, as well as his intention that the United States sign it and submit it for Senate advice and consent. He noted that the problem of POPs was “based on solid scientific information” of a “global environmental problem” given that the “chemicals respect no boundaries and can harm Americans even when released abroad.” So, why five years later are U.S. negotiators at the POPs Convention in an “observer” role, having signed but never ratified the treaty? Find the answer after the jump.
‘The primary differences in these bills appear to derive from party divisions. Democrats insist that any decision to accept new POPs under the treaty should turn solely on an assessment of the POPs’ potential to harm human health and the environment (i.e., if it’s harmful, it should be banned). Republicans, however, appear to favor a cost-benefit analysis that takes not only the chemicals’ health consequences into account, but the benefits that flow from using the chemical in question and the costs associated with discontinuing its use.’ Comment: As you suggest, the party divisions here appear to derive, at least in part, from scientific and philosophical differences and debates related to questions in the field of inquiry known as ‘risk and rationality,’ its legal companions being the fields of public health regulation and environmental law. A broadly construed ‘bioethics’ (In the words of Onora O’Neill, bioethics ‘has become a meeting ground for a number of disciplines, discourses and organisations concerned with ethical, legal and social questions raised by advances in medicine, science and biotechnology.’) is also germane to these debates. At first glance, it seems the debate is therefore one between the ‘precautionary principle’ v. cost-benefit analysis, although I would need… Read more »
And thanks for a couple of excellent (i.e., informative and helpful) links.